Japan's Creative Approach for the progress of their Technology

Interestingly, the slowdown of exploitation for the US and its GERD has allowed Japan and Western European countries to almost overtake her (8). withal worth noting is the item that although in the 1950s the UK was "top of the confederacy" outside the superpowers in allocating genuinely high proportions of its GERD for defense explore and development, it no longer occupies that same status. In fact, the rate of growth for UK industrial research and development over the last 20 years was the lowest of any country with statistics available (11). This fact underscores how Japan leap frogged ahead.

Historically, Japan set its economic aim for globe pre-eminence as early as the nineteenth coulomb and the Meiji Restoration of 1868. Thus, even before the start of World struggle I Japan was grooming itself to be a world power by spurring on the growth of its manufacturing industry. case policies which predate World War I include 1) "a strong impetus from central government to promote modernisation of the Nipponese economy";

2) "identification of procreation and training as key factors in this modernisaton"; 3) intense efforts to import and to improve the world's surpass available engine room; 4) "close co-operation between government and spectacular industrial concerns" (32). Further, Japan traces its concern for adjustment to imported technology to its nineteenth century cotton industry practice. Even though Japan remained a feudal country until 1868, it had come

Yet again Freeman appears to be less flashy, but somehow more than comprehensively useable in his approach. One example will help to typesetter's case what his graphics tend to achieve. In offering a graph on "How increasing original technology affects Japan's grocery store dower", Freeman presents some fascinating facts. This graph shows that in 1955, the Japanese possess 10% of the commercialize of transistor radios; in 1960, they have 20% of the market of black and white TVs; in 1965, they owned 40% of the market of color TVs; in 1970, they owned 60% of the market of calculators and stereo components; in 1975, they owned 80% of the market of Citizen's band radios; and in 1990, they owned 90% of the market of VCRs (85).

This maven graph dramatically indicates why Westerns should scrutinize even more closely the Japanese and their national trunk of innovation. To study how the Japanese began in 1955 with a 10% share of transistor radios and boomed in 1990 with a remarkable 90% share of the VCR market is to be buckled into a front-row seat on a very dramatic success story.

In analyzing the technology gaps which have emerged in Japan, Freeman cites the difference between its structural crisis of the mid-twenties and thirties in comparison with what transpired in the 1970s and 1980s. In the 1920s and 1930s Japan needed to modify its institutional practices to vary to the assembly-line and flow-production system. The needs imposed by the 1970s and 1980s cannot be as simply handled. Appropriate responses include changes in the education and training system, the industrial relation systems, managerial and corporate structures, the prevail management styles, the capital markets and financial system" as wellhead as patterns in public, private and hybrid investments, the welfare system and income distribution (116). Freeman further suggests that these changes must be cautiously monitored within a theoretical grid which includes consideration of juristic and political thought (116).

Yet Japan's
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